Supremacist Alliance: The Zionist-Hindutva Hijacking of America

On February 17, 2026, in the run-up of the primary election to determine the Democratic nominee and de facto future occupant of Illinois’s open U.S. senate seat, The New York Times ran a headline asking, “Can suburban support beat the party machine?” The Times was referring to what turned out to be the unsuccessful challenge of U.S. Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi against Lieutenant Governor Juliana Stratton.

Krishnamoorthi is a Hindu born in Delhi and educated at Princeton who is supported by the Chief Technology Officer of Palantir as well as by Hindu and Indian donors and a series of universities and corporations and law firms and consultancies. Stratton is an African American from Chicago who has connections to public and private sector unions, Cook County wards, and Illinois’s Democratic governor—a “machine” coalition that has been unattractively recognizable in this country for more than a century and a half as unions have become vehicles for statism and finance and as wards have been hollowed out.

But what Krishnamoorthi represents is a coalition of its own that is much less understood, and even further from the ground. Calling him the “suburban” candidate is a stand-in for other things: last-minute out-of-state spending on ad buys; a consortium of military and corporate operators funding them; a candidate educated at the Ivy leagues in management capacities who doesn’t recognize his constituents.

In The Last Hurrah, the 1956 novel which first fictionalized Krishnamoorthi’s coalition, a four-term Boston mayor who knows his constituents by their first names is trounced in his final mayoral campaign by a candidate from the newly-sprung suburbs modelled on then-U.S. Senator from Massachusetts John F. Kennedy (Harvard ’40). This was the same John F. Kennedy who in real life moved into the White House where he entrusted the head of Ford Motors to produce Vietnam, our first un-entanglable entanglement of war and empire.

Krishnamoorthi, who “had stockpiled nearly $30.5 million—the second-largest fundraising haul among federal candidates nationally this election cycle—and spent more than $25 million on television ads that blanketed the state beginning last July,” is in many ways a Kennedy successor, but he is operating in an even more favorable environment. A process which began under WASPs has been accelerated by Zionists and Hindutvas to transform our country in the name of liberalism, while being anything but liberal in the constitutional sense. Having investigated the rising Hindutva presence in my most recent report for the Libertarian Institute, we must examine how that presence developed and how it manifests itself in conjunction with Zionism, exposing the threat.

Perhaps the key moment for extrapolating the rise of Krishnamoorthi’s elitist coalition is 1965. This was a year recognized for the triumph of the civil rights movement via the Voting Rights Act, celebrated by black, Jewish, and old-school ethnic Democrats which in attenuated form make up Juliana Stratton’s coalition. But 1965 was a year more actually influential for four other events. Namely: our entry in significant numbers into Vietnam; Washington’s use of corporate consultancies to begin outsourcing American labor; the beginning of the WASPs’ “War on Crime” in America’s “inner cities”; and the passage of the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, drafted by the Jewish Zionist Emanuel Celler, encouraging immigration of “high-skilled” workers to compete with the Soviet Union. The first three of these moves empowered America’s military-corporate complex, and the fourth brought in new operators to staff it. The biggest outsized quantitative and qualitative beneficiary, proportional to numbers, have been Indian Americans, the majority Hindu.

Since 1965, when their numbers were negligible, Indians have grown to over five million people in America. According to Pew Research, “two-thirds of Indian Americans say either that they are Hindu or that they identify with another religion but feel closely connected to Hinduism for other reasons, such as family background or culture.” Hindu Americans are highly educated. In the United States they “have nearly 16 years of schooling, significantly more than Jews, the next most highly-educated U.S. religious group,” and “70% of Hindu Americans have degrees” while “57 percent have some postgraduate education, which is nearly five times the national average.” They are wealthy: Hindu Americans’ “median household income exceeds $126,000, among the highest nationwide,“ while the median household income for Americans exceeds $83,000. And they are highly successful in the professional spheres tied to the military corporate complex.

In business, Hindu or Indians’ leading lights include the CEOs of Google, Microsoft, IBM, Adobe, FedEx; and the Chief Technology Officer of Palantir. In law and administration they include three of the nation’s most influential federal appellate court judges; the director of the FBI; and the Director of National Intelligence. Politically they include the former vice president of the United States; the current second lady of the United States; the current leading Republican candidate for the governorship of Ohio; and four congressmen. Academically they include more than half a dozen presidents or chancellors of universities and professional schools, including the second lady’s mother. They are, in other words, along with Jewish Zionists, the most highly concentrated group inside the apparatuses (corporations, administrative agencies, politics, universities) of American empire.

There are several obvious problems that occur when a tiny religious minority, historically Puritans and Jews and Hindus in America, assumes outsized power inside national institutions insulated from our state governments, free market exchanges, and voluntary associations. What Alexis de Tocqueville described as America’s particularly genius “form of society”—one which is “neither precisely national nor precisely federal,” but run from the ground by public opinion incubated by populist associations then siphoned through different spheres and branches of government—is a foreign concept to these operators.

Instead, as upper-middle class children of essentially hierarchical systems (New England for WASPs; Mitteleuropa for Jews; mid-century post-British India for Hindus) they operate by those systems’ logic, which is nationalizing and institutionalizing power. They have been some of the most aggressive pushers for what they call “colorblind” civil rights, taking the 1965 law as an invitation to expand institutions’ power using the courts to protect individuals from discrimination at the expense of states and legislatures. And they have not been particularly sympathetic to the mixing of religion and state-based politics, another feature of American political history.

Trained in the secular disciplines of administrative empire, they at least publicly support a “liberal” regime of public tolerance and private faith enforced from Washington DC. The most obvious expressions of these anti-constitutional commitments come from the intellectual side. These include WASPs’ longstanding distrust of popular politics in favor of reform by “the better class”; statements like the liberal Jewish writers’ Michael Walzer’s and Leon Wieseltier’s that “populism is by definition a threat to institutional stability”; and the Indian American intellectual Shikha Dalmia’s recent founding of an online magazine called, grammatically inventively but without prevarication, The Un-populist.

All of this is anti-constitutional, but there is a further problem in the case of Jews and Hindus. Their nations, India and Israel, which were founded in 1947 and 1948 with British and American backing as apparently secular and liberal homelands for persecuted religious minorities, have attached themselves to America’s empire and the administrative and technological proficiencies that make empire run. These nations have elected leaders, both liberal and conservative, who indirectly or directly argue that these proficiencies reflect superiority in the groups which have chosen to adopt them. And, despite their public proclamations of secular liberalism, many Jewish and Hindu operators in America have become explicit champions of their own supremacy—religious, cultural, ethnic, and sometimes racial and genetic—via Zionist and Hindutva ideology.

69 to 95% of Jewish Americans support Israel, and 55% of Hindu Americans believe in some version of Hindutva ideology, while 69% of Hindu Americans support Narendra Modi, the dominant political figure in India for the last dozen years and a Hindutva ideologue. Both Zionists and increasingly Hindutvas use their influence to affect American politics. Zionism is the position of each of the thirty-five elected national congresspeople who are Jewish, and the position of most of the five hundred elected non-Jewish national congresspeople. Zionism in some form is also the position of most major Jewish donors. And every national Hindu politician and many Indian ones, along with many major Hindu donors, are connected in one way or other to Hindutva ideology and those people pushing it.

The most obvious examples of this influence or dominance in both the Zionist and Hindutva cases are political and philanthropic organizations. The many explicitly Jewish Zionist organizations which dominate Jewish and American political life include AIPAC, the Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee, J Street, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, the Republican Jewish Coalition, the Jewish Communal Fund, the Wexner Heritage Program, Taglit Birthright, and the Adam and Gila Milstein Foundation. The many explicitly Hindutva organizations or organizations linked to powerful Hindutva donors include Infinity, the Indian American Community Foundation, Indiaspora, the Republican Hindu Coalition, Hindu American Foundation (HAF), World Hindu Council, and Overseas Friends of BJP. And these lists leave aside those organizations, including the Manhattan and Hudson and American Enterprise Institutes, which are funded by many Zionists and increasingly by Hindutvas and which advance Zionist and Hindtuva priorities in America.

But institutions are not the limits of Zionist-Hindutva influence. Some of the many Jewish Zionist financiers, developers, political operators, professionals, economists, academics, and sports team owners who “freelance” their influence on behalf of Israel include Larry and David Ellison, David Sacks, Nelson Peltz, Stephen M. Ross, Miriam Adelson, Bill Ackman, Jared Kushner, Steven Witkoff, Rahm and Ari and Ezekiel Emanuel, Howard Lutnick, Stephen Miller, and Robert Kraft. In the broader scope, 19% of federal appellate judges, one Supreme Court justice, five of the eight Ivy league presidents, and (in some years) thirty of the one hundred wealthiest Americans identify as Jewish, many of whom are linked to Zionist networks.

A similar picture of influence applies for Hindus or Indian Americans who are linked in one way or other to Hindutva ideology or its main representative, Narendra Modi. They include Palantir Chief of Technology Shyam Sankar; Google CEO Sundar Pichai; Raj Subramaniam, CEO of FedEx; Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella; Arvind Krishna, the CEO of IBM; Shantanu Narayen, the CEO of Adobe; Asha Jadeja Motwani, the influential “widow of the engineer who helped craft the original Google search algorithm”; Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard; Republican gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy; President and CEO of the Center for American Progress Neera Tanden; U.S. Congressman Ami Bera; former South Carolina Governor and 2024 presidential candidate Nikki Haley; and former Vice President Kamala Harris. Second Lady Usha Vance, a practicing Hindu, has been defended by these networks and has not disavowed them.

Much of the spread of Zionist and Hindutva ideologies through powerful Jewish and Hindu spheres occurred from the efforts of connected professionals and financiers and technologists, as I have related in reports for the Libertarian Institute in August and November and December and April. But the spread of these ideologies among powerful Jews and Hindus likely also occurred because these ideologies played into the influence Jewish and Hindu players were already enjoying in American empire. Indeed, from their inceptions both Zionist and Hindutva ideology have been explicitly tuned to and so attractive to imperialists.

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